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From Gaza to Sudan: The limits and future of humanitarian aid

‘What is happening at the moment is, in many instances, unrecognised, unacknowledged failure.’

People sit in a conference room during an event with various speakers. Eric Reidy/TNH

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The systems the international community has designed since the end of World War II to try to prevent atrocities and mitigate the worst effects of conflict on civilians are utterly failing: The wars in Sudan, and in the Gaza Strip, have made that abundantly clear.

The staggering levels of violence and deprivation inflicted on entire populations with utter impunity – and with complicity from powerful states – are a dark testament to the state of global humanitarianism, and the international community has shown itself unable to significantly respond to the suffering.

The desire to confront these failings head on was the impetus behind The New Humanitarian, Refugees International, and the Center for Transformational Change organising a doubleheader event on Navigating the Limits and Evolving Role of Humanitarian Aid on the sidelines of the UN’s annual high-level week in New York on 27 September.

The event consisted of two panel discussions. The first – Gaza, Sudan, and the limits of humanitarian action – aimed to take a brutally honest look at the factors preventing meaningful aid responses from taking shape in both contexts, what these failures say about the sector overall, and whether our current definition of humanitarianism needs to expand to incorporate other forms of action that can better help alleviate human suffering.

The second – If not aid, then what? – asked whether power can truly be shifted in a sector that traces its origins to colonialism, and if not, what might lie beyond the international aid system as we know it.  

‘On the ground’

At the beginning of the first panel, which I moderated, Sudanese civil society activist Hanin Ahmed spoke about the reality of the humanitarian situation in Sudan.

Ahmed helped found the emergency response room in the city of Old Omdurman to address humanitarian needs arising from the brutal fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces that broke out in April 2023. Ahmed was later forced to flee the country and has been raising awareness and support for the volunteer-run emergency response rooms, which have been the main humanitarian providers in Sudan.

“On the ground, it's getting worse every day and every single moment. We are trying to fill the gap, but the gap is too big,” Ahmed said.

Arwa Damon, a former CNN senior international correspondent and founder of the aid organisation INARA, also provided a window into the situation on-the-ground in Gaza. She has travelled to the enclave three times since Israel launched its assault in response to Hamas’ 7 October attacks into Israel last year. Her most recent trip was in August.

“You think that you've seen the worst of it, and then you go back over and over again, and you realise that no matter what it is that your mind tries to imagine worse becoming, it actually is not equivalent to what is happening on the ground,” Damon said. “The situation is so dire that we as humanitarian organisations cannot even provide the population with a bar of soap.”

Thaer Ahmad, a Palestinian-American emergency medicine physician and board member of the NGO MedGlobal, has travelled to Gaza multiple times over the years – including during previous wars – as a volunteer doctor. He spent three weeks in Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis in January this year and also spoke to the reality on the ground.

He arrived in Gaza three months into Israel’s military campaign, and the enclave was already “unrecognisable from before”, he said, describing what he witnessed as a “360 degree assault on life”.

“It keeps getting compounded every single month,” he added.

‘Validating the cynics’

The panel also discussed the man-made hunger crises in both Gaza and Sudan and the trend of growing impunity for violations of international law.

Alex de Waal, executive director of the World Peace Foundation at Tufts University in the US and one of the foremost global experts on Sudan and famine, highlighted the role that parties to the conflicts have played in creating the hunger crises in Gaza and Sudan.

In Sudan – which is facing the worst levels of food insecurity ever recorded by the IPC, a group of UN-backed experts – “each side is using starvation as a means to political goals, and each is ready to make trade-offs under pressure, but the pressure is not being put on them to make those trade-offs,” de Waal said.

Gaza, which has a much smaller population, at around 2.1 million, is different, de Waal continued. It’s not the biggest by number, but it is “the most intense, the most severe – it is the most rapid descent”.

The successful rollout of the first phase of a polio vaccination campaign in September is proof that Israel can facilitate successful humanitarian activities in Gaza if and when it decides to do so, de Waal continued. “If Israel wanted every child in Gaza to have breakfast tomorrow morning, it would do it,” he added. “I think we just have to ask, why is it not doing it?”

Jeremy Konyndyk, president of Refugees International, spoke about the disturbing implications of both conflicts when it comes to adherence to international humanitarian law [IHL]. He specifically pointed out the danger of the US applying different standards when it comes to condemning Russian violations of international humanitarian law in Ukraine compared to the tolerance of very similar tactics used by the Israeli government in Gaza.

“It is basically validating the cynics view that IHL, ultimately, is just window dressing and just an extension of geopolitics, and that is a deeply frightening place to be when you look at the broader sweep of history and why we have IHL in the first place,” Konyndyk said.

The conversation also addressed whether referring to what is happening in Gaza and Sudan as a humanitarian crisis actually obscures what is taking place.

“When you have 1,000 healthcare workers that have been killed, over 160 UN workers, over 125 journalists, when you talk about all of the academics that have been killed, they weren't killed by the humanitarian crisis,” Ahmad, the Palestinian-American doctor, said. 

‘New responses’ 

Introducing the second panel, moderator Lina Srivastava from the Center for Transformational Change, said she sometimes wonders if it is even possible to imagine a different future beyond the current global humanitarian system in the midst of current challenges and struggles. “But it's clear we need a new vision. We need new responses,” she added. 

Nadine Saba, co-founder and director of the Akkar Network for Development, a local NGO in Lebanon, spoke to the panel remotely. She was not able to leave Lebanon because of Israel’s escalated bombing campaign in the country, which forced many airlines to cancel flights. 

Saba said imagining new approaches to aid means centring the experiences of people and organisations working on the front lines of crises. It also requires “having donors with a larger risk appetite. It means questioning the long-respected boundaries between humanitarian, development, [and] conflict resolution. It means trying new ventures and acknowledging and accepting failure sometimes,” she continued.

“What I want to imagine is a world where states can be held to account for blatantly contravening international humanitarian law. I want to imagine a world where children are not blown up, people can get access to food, people don't have to work three day three jobs just to be able to put food on the table.”

Aarathi Krishnan, Founder of Raksha Intelligence Futures


“What is happening at the moment is, in many instances, unrecognised, unacknowledged failure,” she added.

Alex Gray, director of international funds at the Center for Disaster Philanthropy, said many of the solutions that need to be implemented – from local, pooled funding mechanisms to survivor-led and community-led responses – are already well known. “We just don't have the political will and the decision-making powers sitting in the hands of the right leadership in order to take these solutions,” he added.

“I don't want to imagine a world beyond aid,” said Aarathi Krishnan, Founder of Raksha Intelligence Futures. “What I want to imagine is a world where states can be held to account for blatantly contravening international humanitarian law. I want to imagine a world where children are not blown up, people can get access to food, people don't have to work three day three jobs just to be able to put food on the table.”

The panel also discussed the tension in the aid sector surrounding the concept of neutrality. Ahmed, the Sudanese activist, who spoke on both panels, highlighted the utility of neutrality in a highly politicised and dangerous environment. “Any kind of political affiliation, or talk about politics… it will harm our colleagues on the ground,” she said.

Saba said the concept of neutrality is sometimes instrumentalised to maintain existing power structures. “What I've been seeing in some places is the use of neutrality, or principles of humanitarian work, to push aside local actors,” she said.

The panel went on to discuss the issue of siloing in the humanitarian sector, preparing for future shocks while resources are already stretched thin responding to current crises, and what humanitarian responses would look like if they were managed by communities themselves.

‘No alternative’

Both panels took questions from the audience, both in-person and submitted online. 

In response to a question asked during the first panel about what NGOs and everyday people can do to advocate for accountability for crimes being committed in Sudan and Gaza, de Waal responded: “There is no alternative but public pressure in all possible forms… and using the courts to prosecute starvation crimes.”

The New Humanitarian also sent the panellists questions submitted online that there wasn’t time to discuss in-person. 

Read more: Responses to online questions

These questions and answers have been edited for length and clarity.

What has been the role played by diasporas in Gaza and Sudan?

Thaer Ahmad: Advocacy and organising in the United States has been a central focus of the diaspora. Many felt that policy in the United States facilitated the war in Gaza. Diplomatic cover, regional support, and military assistance to Israel was unchallenged and above scrutiny. The Palestinian diaspora quickly realised that the lack of grassroots organising, political power, and influence over policy left us in a vulnerable position. Additionally, the diaspora contributed a tremendous amount of resources towards humanitarian relief and to hosting families evacuated from Gaza. Finally, there is a new push to establish the Palestinian narrative through literature, art, and research. 

Hanin Ahmed: The Sudanese diaspora is playing a supportive role in terms of fundraising and networking.

How do you see the future of international humanitarian law (IHL), moving forward from this direct and clear disrespect by big Western powers?

Thaer Ahmad: The lack of accountability and consistency surrounding the implementation and upholding of IHL has caused irreversible damage. Global conflicts will follow suit in the restriction of humanitarian aid, the weaponisation of hunger, the intentional targeting of healthcare systems and civilian infrastructure. The institutions designed to prevent and to hold parties accountable for violations of IHL will now be manipulated by great powers to punish adversaries.

Alex de Waal: What I fear is that the standards for IHL, and other international norms, are being downgraded to the level at which they are being respected – or to be precise, disrespected – by Israel, rather than Israel being held to the higher standards to which we all aspire. Israeli leaders make reference to WWII as their guidelines, an era in which starvation was used by all sides as a weapon of war (The United States named its blockade of Japan, ‘Operation Starvation’). They cannot do this and at the same time argue that the Israel Defense Force is ‘the most moral army in the world’. What we are seeing is a return to an era in which norms permissive of famine are accepted by all.

Arwa Damon: We might as well all admit that international law, human rights, and humanitarian law are pure window dressing for the most part and not universally applied. This sets a dangerous precedent for the direction that our world and collective humanity is going in.

Jeremy Konyndyk: I am gravely concerned that the kind of gross IHL violations that the world saw – and condemned – in Syria have now become normalised as a tactic of modern war. From Syria to Yemen to Ukraine to Gaza, we are witnessing a total erosion of the laws of war, both by belligerents and their global backers. This will make wars more dangerous, magnify civilian harm, increase risks to aid workers and health workers, and worsen the humanitarian effects of conflict.

How can international NGOs and everyday people advocate for accountability for what is being done in Sudan and Gaza?

Thaer Ahmad: Documenting the historical record, becoming more familiar with how to observe violations, and by working as a collective to apply pressure and to continue to bring attention to issues. International NGOs, in collaboration, can establish an arm and create an advocacy vehicle to build momentum and create pressure to bring about the necessary changes to improve the landscape we operate in. Working together under an umbrella will also provide a buffer against individual international NGOs being targeted or retaliated against.

Alex de Waal: There is no alternative but public pressure in all possible forms, including direct lobbying of political representatives, using legal measures such as demanding restrictions on aid (especially weapons transfers) to belligerents involved in policies of starvation, and using the courts to prosecute starvation crimes.

Arwa Damon: International NGOs are advocating – at least the vast majority of them are on both fronts, for Gaza and for Sudan. But we need more space in the media for INGO voices, because in both cases given the, in the case of Gaza – the ban of independent reporting by Israel – and in the case of Sudan the lack of interest and dangers – the humanitarian sector is one of the voices on the ground.

Could the panellists speak about the impact, if any, of media coverage on the response in both Gaza and Sudan?

Thaer Ahmad: Dehumanisation and lack of narrative and perspective has allowed propaganda to go unchecked and prevent popular public opinion from being informed. For example, the recent Israeli restriction of food entering North Gaza was reported by a major news outlet as "Food hasn't entered Gaza in the last week, causing concern for widespread hunger". The reader is unable to discern why there is a lack of food. Earlier this year, rather than use the word children when referring to Gazan's killed, the word minor was utilised by a national paper. Prefacing any mention of the Gaza Health Ministry with the phrase "Hamas-run" implicitly makes listeners doubt reported death tolls, or other information relayed.

Alex de Waal: What is remarkable is that, despite some excellent media coverage of both humanitarian emergencies and aid responses, the impact has been modest. This is in striking contrast to, for example, the impact of media coverage of the Darfur atrocities and starvation 20 years ago, or even the Ethiopian famine of 1984. Somehow, it appears possible for political leaders to deny the significance of human suffering, even when it is plainly documented.

Arwa Damon: Palestinians continuously point out how the framing of their story in the mainstream media is biased towards Israel, and how the campaign of dehumanisation means that their death and struggle to survive is being normalised.

One of the many tragedies of Gaza is that we are watching Gazans’ livestream their slaughter in real time. It’s constantly in the headlines, and yet somehow the nightmare that Gaza is just continues to worsen and darken. We cannot and will not be able to say ‘we didn’t know’.

One of the many tragedies of Sudan is the lack of media coverage. Sudan barely, if ever makes the ‘news’, nevermind the headlines.

Hanin Ahmed: Sudan is a neglected issue by the international media and community. This neglect can be like a new weapon that kills Sudanese civilians because no one talks about their suffering.

Are ‘alternative’ efforts to deliver aid to Gaza by air-drops or via the US’s floating aid pier meaningful contributions to alleviating suffering? 

Alex de Waal: No, they’re not meaningful. It’s extraordinary that in a place which is so accessible, the distances are so short, in which Israel can facilitate movement to any location using straightforward and inexpensive road transportation, that the US should be contemplating these kinds of exceptional responses.

For Nadine Saba and Hanin Ahmed: As local responders in Sudan and Lebanon what do you need from international organisations? 

Nadine Saba: Local and national actors are not a homogeneous group in the sense where they have different capacities and different needs. Some might need capacity strengthening while others have reached a level of maturity where they do not need such support. Some might need support in terms of advocacy, and others might have their own channels. Thus, any support needs to be customised. Having said that, most importantly, I believe that what we need as a collective is space – we need space for our initiatives and leadership.

Hanin Ahmed: We need them to localise funding, give more recognition to local responders, ensure that 5% of aid to Sudan goes to mutual aid groups, and speak more about Sudan. 

For Hanin Ahmed: How are you able to get funding for the emergency response rooms?

Hanin Ahmed: We are funded by different mechanisms. We get direct funding from organisations such as the International Rescue Committee, Norwegian Refugee Council, and Danish Refugee Council, and Community Organized Relief Effort (CORE). We also get funding from international organisations like the UN children’s fund and World Food Programme and from foundations, international partnerships, and institutional donors, like USAID. Last but not least, we also get donations from individuals. 


As a stark reminder of the realities the panellists were speaking to, the timing of the event happened to coincide with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s address to the UN General Assembly, where he vowed to continue the war in Gaza until Israel achieves “total victory” over Hamas. 

As the panellists spoke, Israeli warplanes unleashed a massive aerial bombardment on a Hezbollah command bunker in Beirut’s southern suburbs, killing the group’s longtime leader Hassan Nasrallah and pushing the region to the brink of all-out war. 

Watch the full event here:

 

Edited by Andrew Gully.

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