Of the 3.5 million Rohingya worldwide, almost 90% have become refugees, ‘illegal’ migrants, and undocumented individuals, or have been rendered stateless abroad.
Approximately 600,000 Rohingya survived the 2017 military ethnic cleansing and remained – initially at least – in Myanmar. Most who are still in the country now live in and around Maungdaw, a district in Rakhine State on the border with Bangladesh. Others are scattered across the country and in Bangladesh, with some attempting to reach other Asian countries, risking their lives at sea.
Countries like Bangladesh, Malaysia, and Indonesia, which host large numbers of Rohingya, are not signatories to the UN Refugee Convention, which effectively denies them rights and integration. As a result, they live in a constant state of uncertainty.
In Bangladesh, Rohingya endure overcrowded camps, poor sanitation, and limited healthcare. India hosts 50,000 Rohingya who face deportation threats, while in Malaysia, over 200,000 lack legal status, limiting their access to essential services. Indonesia provides temporary refuge for more than 2,000 Rohingya, while Saudi Arabia hosts 470,000, many without formal status.
These challenges underscore the urgent imperative to help find sustainable solutions for a global Rohingya community that is disparate, disadvantaged, and neglected.
What’s the possibility of return?
As of now, Rohingyas have no homes to return to. Their properties have been redistributed to other communities, including the Rakhine people, and their cultural symbols and history have been obliterated. At risk of losing their identity, with no physical or cultural ties to their motherland, they now face extinction.
The democratic solution for Rohingya in Myanmar also remains uncertain due to deep-rooted political, social, and ethnic complexities.
The pro-democracy National Unity Government (NUG) – an interim government formed in exile after the 2021 military coup sparked a brutal civil war – has promised to recognise Rohingya citizenship, but it is made up of members of the now-ousted democratic administration that was accused of anti-Rohingya rhetoric and of downplaying the 2017 massacres by the military.
The Arakan Army (AA), the armed resistance group that controls Rakhine State, opposes this, viewing the Rohingya as a demographic and political threat to its separatist agenda. Moreover, widespread exclusionary attitudes towards the Rohingya persist across Myanmar’s ethnic groups, making their reintegration difficult.
Without international pressure, the addressing of historical injustices, and reconciliation led by an inclusive governance, the prospect of a safe Rohingya return remains bleak.
What is the solution?
As of today, the Rohingya are a people without a country, without established leadership or recognition. Their history is nearly erased, and they are now a people wandering around the world without any acknowledgment or durable settlement options.
Although it is important to support democratic initiatives in Myanmar, we must recognise that democracy alone is not enough to address the immediate suffering of the Rohingya. They cannot wait in their desperate situation with just hope. They need concrete solutions that can alleviate their suffering and uplift their community.
The best course of action for the international community is, therefore, to help the Rohingya live as Rohingya people. This means supporting them in becoming a sustainable and independent community so they can help themselves.
By empowering the Rohingya, they will be better equipped to address and resolve their own crisis. Effective change must come from within the Rohingya community itself – as the saying goes, “Nothing about us without us.”
Leadership crisis
First, the world must change its perception of Rohingya. They are not helpless victims. They are capable, resilient individuals.
A major reason why the Rohingya remain the most vulnerable is that they are often seen through this narrow lens: as an undeveloped community lacking skills and education. This limited view stifles their opportunities to rebuild and strengthen their own community.
While government agencies and NGOs are active in responding to the Rohingya crisis, these efforts often suffer from inadequate representation of Rohingya individuals. This lack of representation limits their influence on the decisions affecting the Rohingya, perpetuating a cycle where their voices are excluded from the critical decision-making process. Without genuine inclusion, initiatives intended to support Rohingya risk becoming disconnected from the realities on the ground.
To maintain Rohingya leadership and effectively engage with the international community, the Rohingya will need support to establish a recognised governing body, incorporating grassroots leaders, intellectuals, women, and youth from both the diaspora and those in the camps.
A major reason why the Rohingya remain the most vulnerable is that they are often seen through this narrow lens: as an undeveloped community lacking skills and education. This limited view stifles their opportunities to rebuild and strengthen their own community.
Such a body would provide Rohingya with a legitimate platform for diplomatic advocacy, enabling them to advocate their rights, participate in international negotiations, and represent their community’s interests in the global forums.
This RLC (Rohingya Leadership Council) could seek recognition under the United Nations frameworks, like the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) or the World Uyghur Congress, ensuring that Rohingya have a legitimate voice in the decisions that affect their lives both within Myanmar and internationally. This recognition would be crucial for advancing Rohingya rights, securing international partnerships, and pushing for long-term political solutions to issues like statelessness and genocide accountability.
Identity crisis
The Rohingya have long been denied the right to express their identity due to severe restrictions on their culture, language, and religion both in Myanmar and in exile.
This suppression has left generations disconnected from their heritage and uncertain of their place in the world.
A relevant example can be seen in the Indigenous peoples of Canada and the United States who, after facing similar efforts to erase their culture, have reclaimed their identity through Indigenous Friendship Centres. These hubs have become crucial for cultural preservation, education, and leadership development.
Rohingya can benefit from a similar approach. By allowing them to establish community centres, they can preserve their cultural heritage, empower future generations, and provide a platform for their voices in international dialogues. Such centres would help the Rohingya to rebuild their identity and advocate for their rights more effectively.
Crisis of learning
The majority of Rohingya face severe educational barriers, leading to widespread illiteracy. In Bangladesh, Rohingya children are part of a “lost generation”, as they are not allowed to attend local schools. Their only option is informal education through refugee learning centres, which are under-resourced and lack official recognition.
In Myanmar, the situation is even more dire. The military junta has long barred Rohingya from higher education. In rural areas, children have no access to schools, while travel restrictions prevent movement. In urban centres like Sittwe, where limited education was once available, Rohingya students have been blocked from continuing their studies due to the ongoing conflict.
In host countries such as Malaysia, Bangladesh, and Indonesia, Rohingya refugees are still largely denied access to formal education. Though some initiatives, like scholarships from Turkey (2017) and the Philippines (2023), have provided opportunities, these efforts fall far short of addressing the massive educational gap.
Educating Rohingya youth is crucial for the community’s development and for future political participation.
Challenges for women and girls
Since the onset of Rohingya persecution, women and girls have been among the most frequently targeted for rape and abuse by military forces and Rakhine vigilantes. In the 2017 violence, many women were raped – some of whom later gave birth to children as a result of these assaults after fleeing to Bangladesh. Tragically, many others were killed during these attacks.
Even after escaping to Bangladesh, Rohingya women continue to face grave dangers. Local gangs often kidnap and sell them into prostitution or force them into marriages with much older men. With families struggling to survive, some parents marry off their daughters at a young age out of economic desperation.
Without tackling the violence and structural barriers they face, true emancipation for Rohingya women and girls remains elusive.
Many women attempt to flee to Malaysia seeking safety, but the journey across the Andaman Sea risks death and, upon arrival, they are often exploited by human traffickers. In Indonesia, where some Rohingya boats have landed, women have faced sexual abuse from both traffickers and security forces.
Beyond physical violence, Rohingya women are also constrained by cultural barriers that limit their access to independence, higher education, and employment, leaving most illiterate and without the ability to advocate for their own rights.
Addressing these challenges by empowering and educating Rohingya women is critical for improving their situation and ensuring the well-being of future generations. Without tackling the violence and structural barriers they face, true emancipation for Rohingya women and girls remains elusive.
What next?
The key to resolving the Rohingya crisis lies in empowering the community to take charge of their own future.
By supporting the Rohingya in reclaiming their identity, establishing leadership, and gaining access to education, skills training, and employment, we can help them rebuild their lives with dignity and freedom. This approach will not only foster self-sufficiency but will also allow them to contribute meaningfully to host societies while preserving their cultural heritage.
Addressing the systemic barriers that perpetuate their marginalisation is essential for any sustainable solution.
The international community must move beyond temporary measures and focus on long-term, community-driven strategies that prioritise the needs and aspirations of the Rohingya people. These efforts should empower Rohingya leaders, promote education and economic opportunities, and support cultural preservation.
By including the Rohingya in decisions that affect their future, we can break the cycle of dependency and exclusion.
Edited by Ali M. Latifi and Andrew Gully.
