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IRIN Interview with electoral analyst

[Angola] Angola Elections. UN
Multiparty democracy has not brought the promised benefits of poverty alleviation
The next four years will see significant elections take place in southern Africa - starting with Zambia's general election on 27 December 2001 and presidential polls in Zimbabwe next march. IRIN spoke to Claude Kabemba, senior policy analyst at the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa (EISA), about the state of democracy in the region. QUESTION: To what extent is democracy being entrenched in southern Africa and in what ways? What challenges still lie ahead? ANSWER: Despite the progress that has been made on the electoral levels, there are concerns that the process of democratisation is not moving fast enough, and that in some instances we are seeing a reversal to autocratic behaviour. Many states in SADC [Southern African Development Community], despite acceding to the rules of multiparty democracy, have been overbearing and coercive bureaucracies. This has pushed some observers to argue that what we have been witnessing in SADC is more about political liberalisation than democratisation. Liberalisation is a controlled partial opening of political space and civil rights from above, and includes things like drafting of constitutions and legislation which recognise respect for human rights, freedom of association, freedom of expression and the existence of multiparty politics. In practice, there are serious concerns in enforcing these principles. Also, the electoral democracy has not been accompanied with assumed socio-economic benefits that go hand-in-hand with multipartyism. Q. To what extent do the electoral systems in SADC member states differ and why? Do these differences have a direct bearing on people's lives? A: There is a diverse range of electoral systems in use throughout SADC - the plurality-majority system, proportional representation, and the mixed or parallel system. Yes, indeed, the electoral system has the potential to create conflict or to minimise it. A good electoral system should be premised on the right to freedom of association, should enable people to advance this right through the formation of political parties for the purpose of electoral competition, accommodate the diverse nature and interests of communities, promote representation and inclusiveness, and promote accountability and transparency. Q. Are the national elections scheduled across southern Africa over the next few years significant for SADC and for its member states? A: Yes, especially for Zambia. In the early 1990s, the peaceful transition from a one-party state to multiparty democracy in Zambia put that country forward as a model of democracy in the region. However, halfway into the new political dispensation, we started observing a reversal of that gain, with President [Frederick] Chiluba operating in the same way as his predecessor, even to the extent of trying to amend the constitution to remain in power. The coming election in Zambia might open an opportunity for future negotiation among stakeholders to amend the constitution to reduce the power of the president that has been used to manipulate the entire system to the detriment of the Zambian people. The challenge for Zambia is to close loopholes in the constitution and the Electoral Act to make sure that future elections are credible and legitimate. In general the democratisation process in SADC has improved in terms of putting in place democratic institutions and structures, so formal democracy (or electoral democracy) in the region seems to be on the right track. But elections are not the be-all and end-all. The challenge for the region is to make sure that the substance side of democracy is also addressed in terms of dealing with poverty. Instead, for example, the life of the majority of Zambians has deteriorated considerably. It is here, perhaps, that we find the starkest warning against 'electoralism' as a sole barometer of democratisation. Elections are not the be-all and end-all of democracy. There is a need to pay attention to state social policies and how they affect citizens. If stability is Africa's chief need, the Zambian case shows how limitations on democracy can threaten it. Q. Elections in the region are often marred by violence, accusations of intimidation and even blatant corruption. Why is this so? Is it just political culture or are the electoral institutions in southern Africa just not strong enough to prevent or act against irregularities? A. Despite the fact that many countries have put in place institutions and structures to ensure that elections are free and fair, the ability for these structures to work independently has been in question. In many countries - with the exception of South Africa and Botswana - the independence of the electoral commission is being questioned. Also, the ruling party advantage in terms of accessing state resource and control of the media is a potential source of conflict. Q. What do you think are the challenges of the various national electoral institutions in the region? A: Firstly, the primary objective of electoral institutions (electoral commissions) should be well defined in regard to the protection and entrenchment of multiparty democracy: the development of a truly democratic and tolerant political culture. There are many challenges. There is considerable concern within the region that the provisions of codes of conduct, designed to ensure a level playing field for the electoral contest, are at present widely flouted and not effectively policed. The Electoral Act should strengthen the role of the electoral commission in ensuring that the electoral law and the code of conduct are respected. Considerable concerns have been expressed by political parties and civil society about the funding of electoral commissions. It would be helpful, in order to enhance the independence of the commissions, to strengthen the role of parliament in determining its budget and scrutinising its operations and effectiveness. The challenge is also how to ensure that decisions about funding are not driven by narrow party interests. There is, at present, serious concern that the electoral commission does not have the resources to, for instance, ensure that the code of conduct is respected. Infringements are generally not followed-up. Q. What are these governments' challenges if they want to show their seriousness about entrenching democracy? A: The challenge for governments is to ensure that the law of the country is respected by all and that nobody is above it. Governments should also create conditions for free and fair, and credible and legitimate elections. They should ensure that citizens have the opportunity to exercise their rights to vote without fear or intimidation. Q. What powers should, for example, an electoral commission have, and do commissions in the region have these powers to ensure free and fair elections? A: Electoral commissions must have the power to make legislation, and to enforce the code of conduct for competing parties. The responsibilities of electoral commissions as defined in constitutions are, at present, tightly drawn. The electoral process, however, is much broader than just administering the mechanics of the voting process. It would be advisable, therefore, if the mandate of commissions was broadened. The primary objective of the commission should be defined in regard to the protection and entrenchment of multiparty democracy: the development of a truly democratic and tolerant political culture. In many cases, commissions are doing their work but their independence is disputed.

This article was produced by IRIN News while it was part of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Please send queries on copyright or liability to the UN. For more information: https://shop.un.org/rights-permissions

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