MDFC Speaks on peace talks

[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations] Although independence for Casamance does not figure in present peace talks with the Senegalese government, the Mouvement des forces democratique de Casamance (MFDC) says attaining nationhood remains its goal. The MFDC has been demanding independence for Casamance because its people do not feel to be geographically, culturally and historically linked to the north of Senegal. However, MFDC Spokesman Alexandre Djiba told IRIN in Banjul that his movement had decided to enter talks to end 18 years of fighting so that the people of Casamance could plan, execute and manage their development projects. Eventually, he said, the people of Casamance would decide on whether or not to become independent. "We have not yet negotiated all the elements of Casamance's demands," Djiba said. Senegalese President Abdou Diouf recently insisted that independence for Casamance was "not negotiable". By sidestepping the demand for independence, the MFDC has avoided a possible stalemate in the talks, the executive secretary for the Rencontre Africaine pour la defense des droits de l'homme (RADDHO), Alioune Tine, told IRIN. "For the moment the MFDC will be negotiating either for a special status or relative autonomy," he said. Tine, whose human rights body forms part of the civil society body observing the talks (the Groupe des Observateurs des conflit Casamancais), said the outcome was more likely to mirror the arrangement Corsica has with France where Paris has given maximum autonomy but controls foreign affairs, defence and finance. Historical quest for independence The quest for Casamance independence began on 4 March 1947 with the formation of the MDFC in Sedhiou, Casamance. Then, the territory was a French protectorate as was Senegal. The MFDC says it helped Senegal's first president, Sedar Senghor, form the country's first political party on 10 November 1948. Known as the Bloc democratique Senegalais (BDS), it was the precursor to the current Parti Socialiste (PS). The MFDC also says it helped Senghor's bid to have France recognise Senegal as independent and in association with France. Casamance wanted total independence. "Senegal wanted France to recognise the Frenchness of the Senegalese but we recognised, already, an African image, a Casamancais in particular," Djiba said. Emile Badiane was one of the three principle MFDC leaders who supported Senghor's effort in forming the BDS and held talks with him on independence for Casamance. Badiane was considered lukewarm in arguing the case for independence and, instead, reached accommodation with Senghor for Casamance and Senegal to live as one, in a 20-year trial marriage. Djiba said the understanding was that if after this period either party wanted a "divorce" then they would do so. Badiane's stance on the independence question led to a split during the MFDC congress held in the Casamance town of Bignona. This led to the creation of the Mouvement autonomiste Casamancais (MAC) among whose founder was Professor Assane Seck, who with Badiane took part in talks with Senghor. "France never put together Casamance and Senegal to form a new country. It was the complicity of Senghor and Emile Badiane's band that created (the present) Senegal," Djiba said. Perhaps the most prominent Senegalese personality on Senghor's negotiation team with Badiane was Mamadou Dia. Writing in his party newspaper 'Yaakaar' in January 1996, Dia said: "It must be stated that the coloniser never made Casamance a part of Senegal." France maintains that Casamance and Senegal were, indeed, one entity. However, Djiba conceded the difficulty in verifying what was a verbal deal between Senghor and Badiane. Senegal has used this to its advantage, Djiba said, and whenever the issue is evoked Dakar always asks for documentary evidence. The MFDC says its second error was to asked France to be a witness to the verbal agreement. Unfortunately, Djiba said, in 1993 there was no official French witness but two Frenchmen who France pretended to recognise as speaking on its behalf, only later to renege on this. External involvement in present crisis The independence debate has been complicated by talk of plans for unity between Casamance, Gambia and Guinea-Bissau. This has recently been evoked by the most radical of the MFDC members, now living in France, Nkrumah Sane. In addition, Tine said, these two African countries and Mauritania had supported the MFDC in its war against Senegal. However, Djiba, said unity had never been discussed despite Gambia, Guinea-Bissau and Casamance constituting the same Sudano-Guinean group of people. "If these peoples want to create a common institution, so much the better but its not on the agenda now," Djiba said. He also denied that the MDFC had received military aid from any country, adding: "Senegal knows the military capacity of the MFDC so if Gambia and Guinea-Bissau were involved on the side of the MFDC, this war would have been over long ago." Gambian Secretary of State for External Affairs Sedat Jobe told IRIN that no Gambian government had helped the MFDC but decided two years ago to spearhead peace negotiations. This decision was taken before the war in Guinea-Bissau and the subsequent ouster of its president, Joao Bernardo Vieira. Gambia was instrumental in negotiating Vieira's safe departure to Portugal. The political impact of Gambia's intervention in Guinea-Bissau and the role Gambia played in preparing a face-saving formula for Senegal's withdrawal from Guinea-Bissau, Jobe said, convinced Senegalese President Abdou Diouf that his Gambian counterpart, Yahya Jammeh, could facilitate the end of the war between the MFDC and the Senegalese government. "It was a very complicated situation as there were various factions of the MDFC, each of them claiming legitimacy," Jobe said. Elements of the peace accord At the end of their three-day meeting which began on 24 January, the Senegalese government and the MFDC agreed to set up a ceasefire control mechanism. The government lifted the ban on the MFDC and agreed it could hold meetings. Agreement was also reached on the withdrawal of all forces from villages and public places, as well as the identification of refugees and displaced persons. There will be six ceasefire observation groups. One has already set up at Ziguinchor and, Jobe said, more would be deployed in other flash points. Next round of negotiations The next round of negotiations are due on 15 March and, Djiba said, these would centre on passing laws to ensure that the accords reached in Banjul were effective. However, he said notwithstanding the accord the issue of atrocities committed in the war by either the Senegalese army or MDFC's armed wing ATIKA, had to be tackled. "NGO's, especially those dealing with human rights, must act against the grave acts committed in the Casamance," Djiba said. "Today we must identify those responsible, arrest and try them, no matter who they are."