What’s Unsaid | Gaza: Is a ceasefire enough?

Ali Latifi:

Today on What’s Unsaid: Gaza – is a ceasefire enough?

Yamazaki Kazuyuki: 

The result of the voting is as follows: 14 votes in favour. Zero votes against. One abstention. The draft resolution has been adopted. 

Latifi: 

There was a round of applause in the UN Security Council chamber last week when a resolution was passed calling for an immediate ceasefire. But to what end?

Ahmed Shihab-Eldin: 

In fact, less than 24 hours after that resolution was passed, dozens of Palestinian civilians were killed by Israel and have been killed every single day since then.

Latifi: 

That resolution essentially only called for Israel to stop its military campaign for the remainder of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. Two weeks. That was on March 25th. Since then, Israel has been accused of storming the al-Shifa Hospital, killing two Palestinian men waving white flags, killing at least seven aid workers, and striking the Iranian embassy in Syria – all in the first seven days.

This is What’s Unsaid. A bi-weekly podcast by The New Humanitarian where we explore open secrets and uncomfortable conversations around the world’s conflicts and disasters. My name is Ali Latifi, staff editor at The New Humanitarian. 

On today’s episode: Gaza – is a ceasefire enough?

Aid organisations like MSF immediately said it is not. So, is a permanent ceasefire the only way forward? And what does that actually mean? 

With us today is Ahmed Shihab-Eldin. He’s a Kuwaiti independent journalist born in the US and of Palestinian descent. He has been sharing stories and amplifying voices from Gaza on his social media, and has grown over a million followers – despite what he sees as multiple attempts to silence and censor him by Meta since October 7th. 

Ahmed, thanks for joining us.

Shihab-Eldin:

It's my pleasure.

Latifi:

So, we saw that the UN Security Council passed a ceasefire resolution, which the US was the sole abstention to. It's been a switch from three previous vetoes issued by Washington. It calls for a ceasefire for what I think is, what, another two weeks?

Shihab-Eldin:

It would have been. I guess now, a week.

Latifi:

So, it's almost over now. But what difference does a pause really make? I mean, what's to guarantee that by the summer the hostilities won't resume?

Shihab-Eldin:

Yeah, I mean, it's exactly that. I think after vetoing three previous ceasefire resolutions, the US government finally allowed this one, which would have lasted, as you said, two weeks. But then, as we saw right after the vote, the US Ambassador argued it was somehow in its own category. Somehow this resolution, as compared with all the others passed by the UN Security Council, this one was unbinding. And I think that's important, because all UN Security Council resolutions are binding. You know, the UN Charter makes that perfectly clear. So, whether or not it's enforced is another question. But it is certainly binding as a matter of law. So, the US argument… and I think what was happening there is the US was winking at Netanyahu and the Israeli leadership telling them not to implement it, and that that would be fine to carry on with the war, with the genocide. And as we know, Netanyahu doesn't care much about either the UN or the international community. He's made that abundantly clear. And that's not me being emotional or giving an overstatement. I mean, just look, Ali, at this week. It's been two weeks that the al-Shifa Hospital has been under siege, and when you listen to the testimonies, I mean, the cold-blooded execution of children, women, pregnant women, I mean, it's been completely destroyed, and intentionally destroyed. There are countless corpses decomposing. There are signs of torture, and hands bound everywhere. I mean, this is footage that is real, that is documented by people I know on the ground. I don't know. There are all those words – absurd, dystopian, Orwellian, horrific. But yeah, it feels like it's getting worse and worse.

Latifi: 

You just said there's all these words. Are we at a point now, given everything, where the word ceasefire becomes equivalent to something like ‘both sides’ or a ‘two-state solution’? Just, you know, a buzzword?

Shihab-Eldin:

Well, I think if the word is not carrying meaning in terms of it actually being implemented, or the powers that be, namely the US, they're using the word now freely months into this genocide more willingly, to your point, and yet it seems and feels devoid of meaning, or more importantly, consequence. 

Latifi:

Especially when there's a humanitarian, basically, disaster going on?

Shihab-Eldin:

Yeah, and it's so strange, because we're talking about language. I mean, when you say ‘humanitarian catastrophe’ or ‘crisis’, as we've been hearing since the very first week, it's like we've run out of words. I mean, this is so far beyond a humanitarian crisis. For as much as we heard so many Israeli ministers and officials in the early days, when the UN and others rightfully called it a humanitarian crisis and catastrophe, they said explicitly, there is no such thing as a human…like they denied the obvious fact that there was a humanitarian crisis. This was when there were only a couple thousand deaths, let alone close to 50,000. I mean, I know the official toll is 32,000, but there's no telling how many people are still trapped under the rubble. And so for me, this is not just a humanitarian crisis, it's a moral crisis. And it's a global moral crisis. It's a test for our humanity, and our ability to save children's lives, or the action, or the lack of it will have huge consequences on the future, and our collective action or lack thereof.

Latifi:

The ceasefire seems to be flawed. MSF immediately said that the ceasefire isn't enough. Investigations into a genocide…none of these things seem to be moving the needle in any direction. So, what do you think needs to happen on a practical level to improve, even a little bit, the humanitarian situation in Gaza?

 

Shihab-Eldin:

Honestly, Israel needs to stop killing those who are distributing aid in Gaza, including police and tribal ministers, and needs to stop equating everyone, including the UN, as being anti-Semitic and discredited. Because until that happens, or until the US sort of pressures Israel, uses their leverage against Israel – because at the end of the day, I mean, it's the US that is dictating whether this genocide, in my mind, continues. Whether the aid gets let in. It is the most powerful country and supporter of Israel. And we've also heard reports that Israel wouldn't be able to continue waging this war through airstrikes and bombs if the US simply stopped supplying the weapons, as others have started to do to stop their arms sales to Israel. So, it's not rocket science. There just needs to be a cessation of violence, because how are you going to distribute aid? I mean, sure, you kind of can, but not at the scale that's needed. I mean, let's not forget, there's a famine in Gaza. That is a fact. We've heard for weeks that ‘Oh, it's on the cusp of famine. Famine might settle in. Starvation is there, but it's not yet famine.’ No, there's a famine. It's a man-made famine. You know, hundreds of thousands, if not more people, are starving. They're not eating. There's no water. I mean, look, all of these things are deliberately being done. And it's not an overstatement. I think it's quite clear what needs to happen. There needs to be a ceasefire, and it can't be contingent upon the release of hostages. Of course, the hostages should be released, but let's be real. Let's look at the facts: Israel has killed their own hostages, not just with bombs, with gunfire. When hostages were waving a white flag, three of them speaking Hebrew, soldiers shot them. I mean, those are facts, you know, they admitted to that.

Latifi:

So, going beyond a ceasefire, what would need to happen to end the cycle of violence and to recognize Palestinian aspirations for self-determination?

Shihab-Eldin:

I think, to put it simply, we would need to see the powers that are funding, aiding, and abetting all those stacked issues – like occupation, apartheid – to kind of be honest, be truthful, and be responsible. And it feels in many ways that this is like the darkest moment in Palestinian history if you date back to when Israel became a state in 1948. You know, it's been 75 years of oppression and systematic dehumanisation. But I do think that maybe I'm choosing to see this as the darkness before the dawn. Because I think what's happening is this rogue regime is fighting for its existence in this moment, one way or another, and that's why it might be as cruel and as violent as they've ever been. Each sort of heinous crime – and by each crime, I mean on a daily, hourly, basis, the Israeli army is committing against this exhausted, starved, traumatised, civilian population in Gaza – is part and parcel not only of a genocidal campaign, but I think they're trying to hold on to what they've enjoyed for so long, right, which is this idea of no accountability for anything. I mean, really, anything.

Latifi:

Okay so, in the last few months, you've been travelling around. You've been keeping up with all of this information. You've been disseminating it, which has gotten you in trouble with certain social media platforms. Do you think that the outside world, by and large, understands the severity of the humanitarian situation currently in Gaza? Because it's not as if there weren't massive humanitarian issues for at least the last 10, maybe 15 years in Gaza. But now, there's constant documentation of it. And it seems to meet certain legal thresholds and such. But do you think the world in general, outside of the decision makers, understands what is going on?

Shihab-Eldin:

I think more and more people do. I think it's clear that there is sort of a global awakening around the reality, the context even, but also what's actually happening on the ground today. And that's why I think we've seen sustained protest movements. This is an occupation, apartheid, and a collective punishment that's been going on for 75 years. And yet, perhaps understandably, this is the first time we're seeing in London, and New York, and capitals around the world where the governments are either supporting Israel or shielding Israel from accountability, whatever it might be, the people aren't with them. They're not aligned on this issue. And so, to your question, yeah, I think people are more aware. There is a grassroots movement that is much more intersectional than it's ever been.

Latifi:

You’ve spent a lot of time since October 7th on university campuses. For a lot of us, college is where anti-war, pro-justice movements, where they've originated and grown, where we probably become part of them. What is it like now in those sorts of environments?

Shihab-Eldin:

That might be what is most worrying to me. I know a lot of students who don't feel safe and yet are trying to continue to organise. It's hard for me, because I don't live in the US currently, and I'm grateful to not be there. But when I do travel there, especially to the college campuses. You know, a place like– for example, I went to BU [Boston University] in undergrad. I went to Columbia for journalism school. I taught at Columbia for a few semesters as an adjunct professor early on in my career. And it's become such a battleground. Historically these are the places where, during previous wars like Vietnam, we saw… how can I put it… like this symbiotic relationship where students and campuses were sort of where the anti-war movement began, and sort of then the media took their cues from these movements. And so, it's clear to me that there's an effort – a well-funded, coordinated effort – to suppress, to contain the anger and the rage and the movements on college campuses, because they know that if that is allowed to breathe – as it should, I mean, at the end of the day, these are liberal, so-called liberal universities, that have a history of sort of being the bellwether or initiating sort of anti-war movements. And this is, again, a war that's being funded by the US. And students are right to be pissed that they have student debt. They don't have health care. And yet, you know, Israelis do enjoy health care, and Israelis do enjoy all these weapons, and it's good for the military industrial complex, but students rightfully as a moral compass are like, ‘Well, what about us?’ And all that is being contained and suppressed with these calls that we've heard from campuses. And I think it's troubling. I think this goes far beyond Palestine and far beyond Israel. I mean, I don't know, it's a stain on humanity. It's a stain on, I think, whatever you want to call it, progressive values.

Latifi:

I'm gonna switch it up a little bit. There are articles online going back almost a decade calling you the most prominent Arab-American journalist of your generation. And you have obviously been very active in the media and online since October 7th. What has this visibility been like for you personally, given that this has become so much of your work in the last six months?

Shihab-Eldin:

I appreciate the question, and I wish I had a good answer if I'm honest. Personally, this has been so demoralising, and disorienting, and debilitating. I grew very disillusioned, especially under the Trump years while trying to cover that mess of an election and what followed. And so, I kind of was finally getting comfortable with not really identifying as a journalist…

Latifi:

What do you identify as now?

Shihab-Eldin:

Yeah, that's a good question. I think I identify as a storyteller. I want to identify as an artist, which sounds silly, but I particularly like nonfiction storytelling. Things based in truth, whether journalism or not. But the week before October 7th, I was in New York working on a short film as an actor and exploring things. And then, I landed back in Tunis on October 6th, and then October 7th happened. And I just, you know, I think it's like old habits die hard, or I just had a knee jerk reaction, because I knew. I knew when I woke up, and I saw, I was horrified in a lot of ways, but I also knew that what was to come was going to be kind of obscene. And I knew that the mainstream media wasn't going to cover it accurately, because I've had almost two decades of experience at PBS, at the New York Times, at all these different news organisations where, if I'm really honest, there's been a deliberate attempt to limit the accuracy with which this story is covered, to put it very, very politely.

Latifi:

But that must be, not just debilitating, but a huge burden. Because I follow you online, I see what you post every day. I see your different media appearances. It seems from the outside that it sort of consumed everything around you. That must be – in the absence of proper journalism by other outlets – that must feel like a huge burden for a lot of people. There are all kinds of people that you can follow online and in the media who seem to have taken this burden on themselves. That seems like a lot. Is it?

Shihab-Eldin:

Yeah, it is. It is. I mean, I hate to make it seem like I'm burdened in this moment when I think of the people who are really being burdened with, like, sort of the horrors of what's going on there…

Latifi:

No, of course, but constantly seeing this and constantly having to say this…

Shihab-Eldin:

Yeah, I mean, look, I'll be the first to admit it. I'm definitely not okay. People close to me are worried about me. I'm worried about myself, just because I can't look away. I can't step away. And the reason is because of guilt. You know, I have so much privilege, Ali, compared to people who are there – Palestinians, I'm talking about the Palestinian identity. Those of us in the diaspora have things that are disposable and have luxuries that they don't have. And so, whether it's right or wrong, that always is in my head, and in my heart, and quite frankly… I don't know, man, it's a really tough time for a lot of us who are Palestinian, but I think it's also tough, like, I see a lot of – maybe not as tough but – people with a conscience, people with a heart. Look, there's atrocities all over the world, like Israel and Palestine is not the only one. Look at Sudan, and they don't get the attention that they deserve either. Look at Afghanistan. Look at – I mean, there's, you know, all over the world. But, the Palestinian people deserve the basic human rights. And for me, I pay so much attention. I, to use your word, burden myself, because I can, and because I care. I don't know. I really don't know. I wish I had a better answer for you. But to answer you, in short, no, I'm not. I'm definitely not okay. How can any of us be okay?

Latifi:

To wrap this all up, I have a question that I think sort of puts together everything you've said – maybe I'm wrong, but… Is it worth even discussing the situation in Gaza as a humanitarian issue at this point because everything around it is so political? Or should we just cut straight to the politics and not even try and appeal to people's, I guess, emotions or empathy, and just get down to the cold, hard facts?

 

Shihab-Eldin:

I don't see it as a mutually exclusive thing. But I appreciate the question. I think my only way of answering it, Ali, is to say: for people who have been so dehumanised, so deliberately, for so many decades, you can't take the human element out of it. And my goal – and quite frankly, I'm glad you asked that question, because it gives me an opportunity to simply state: I always talk about this as a human issue, and not a political issue. And the reason is, because I think those who want to perpetuate the status quo, and who benefit from the status quo, certainly want to frame it as everything but a human issue, because they want to erase the humanity of the Palestinian people, which I think is the goal since the beginning of the Zionist ideology and project. I mean, they want it to be a political issue. They want it to be a religious issue, and that's how they frame it. And it serves them. And by them, I mean, the occupying power: the oppressors, the aggressors, in my mind. So, yeah, I think it's important to talk about things like, ‘Okay, occupied people have a right to resist under international law’, you know, ‘Even armed resistance is a right granted to us’, but at the end of the day, Palestinians – a lot of them – get focused on the right to return. They focus on self-determination. A Palestinian state. I care about those things, but ultimately, those things don't matter to me, if I'm honest, and that's a controversial position. What matters to me is that, first and foremost, their basic human rights are protected, which they're not, as you know. So, you show me where there's a contiguous reality for a Palestinian state and I’ll sign on board, but I think a lot of that is a distraction. For me, it's like, I'm one race, like, one human race is what I am. That's what I believe in. I know it sounds cheesy and lofty, but a Jewish person, and a Christian, or Muslim Palestinian, they should have equal rights if they're living on land. And that's why I appreciate that question, because I think it's important to remind everyone this is a human rights issue, and that the focus in terms of the framing and the lens should be on the humanity and lack thereof. It shouldn't be on the other stuff. Because until you acknowledge the humanity of these people, you can't give them a state or a solution. If the world is going to buy into this – forgive my, whatever, French – this bullshit, that Israel calls us human or inhuman animals, that we're all…you know, it's just…the dehumanisation is next level and you got to start there. 

Latifi: 

Ahmed Shihab-Eldin is a Kuwaiti independent journalist born in the US of Palestinian descent.

 

Please visit TheNewHumanitarian.org for ongoing reporting on humanitarian and medical workers in crisis zones across the world. 

And what are people afraid to talk about in today’s crises? What needs to be discussed openly? Let us know by sending an email: [email protected].  Subscribe to The New Humanitarian on your podcast app for more episodes of What’s Unsaid – our new podcast about open secrets and uncomfortable truths, hosted by Obi Anyadike and me. 

 

This episode is produced and edited by Freddie Boswell. Sound engineering my Mark Nieto, with original music by Whitney Patterson, and hosted by me, Ali Latifi.