Interview with President Pierre Buyoya

The following IRIN interview took place with Burundi President Pierre Buyoya in Bujumbura on 16 April 2002. On 1 November 2001, a three-year transitional national government was inaugurated in Burundi following eight years of civil war between Hutu rebels and the predominantly Tutsi military. The war has claimed the lives of an estimated 250,000 Burundians, most of them civilians, and has resulted in the displacement of still greater numbers of people. The transitional government, in which the majority Hutu ethnic group shares power with the minority Tutsi, will be headed by Buyoya for the first 18 months. During this period, Domitien Ndayizeye will serve as vice-president. A change in government is foreseen for the second 18-month period, after which elections are to be held. IRIN asked President Buyoya about the challenges of the evolving peace process, including the obstacles posed by the failure thus far to reach a ceasefire agreement with a breakaway faction of the Conseil national pour la defense de la democratie (CNDD) - the CNDD-Forces pour la defense de la democratie - and the Parti pour la liberation du peuple Hutu-Forces nationales de liberation, who refused to sign the Arusha peace and reconciliation agreement. Also discussed was the repatriation of Burundi refugees from camps in western Tanzania, as part of an agreement between the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the governments of both countries. QUESTION: The number of mediators in the Burundi crisis has been increasing. After former South African President Nelson Mandela came the current South African vice-president, Jacob Zuma, Gabonese President Omar Bongo, the Organisation of African Unity and now Tanzania. Is this a sign that a solution might remain remote? ANSWER: The number of mediators has not increased since Nelson Mandela, because he remains the sole mediator. Jacob Zuma, Omar Bongo and others were called in by the former South African president to help - at least concerning negotiations on a ceasefire. We believe that every contribution to ceasefire negotiations is welcome. Q: The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has not been accusing Burundi of being among those who invaded its territory. Is it because they understood the reason for the presence of Burundi troops on Congolese territory, or did Burundi convince them that it had no troops on DRC territory? A: One should understand that Burundi's troops' mission is to keep watch over the common border [between Burundi and the DRC] and to stop FDD and Interahamwe [exiled Rwandan Hutu militiamen] rebel incursions, because Kinshasa does not control its eastern territory. Q: Tanzania has in recent days actively contributed to the search for a ceasefire in Burundi and to the repatriation of refugees. What is the reason for such an abrupt change of attitude? A: Tanzania is an important Burundi neighbour, and Tanzanians have an interest in seeing peace return to Burundi. The presence of Burundi refugees and rebels on Tanzanian territory has created insecurity in the areas where they are. Regional interests, including those of the East African Community, also led to such an attitude. Q: After the 1993 elections, the return of refugees led to social upheavals. Members of the same families were even divided. Today not only land is scarce, but also there are almost no jobs. Is the return of a great number of refugees not likely to cause a social crisis in the country? A: Burundi government policy on the issue of refugees remains the same: they have the right to return to their country. The history of our subregion shows that a social crisis leads to a return [of refugees] using force when [voluntary] return is not accepted [by the country of origin]. Burundi believes that the return of its sons and daughters is a factor of stability. The presence of Burundi refugees in neighbouring countries contributes to the creation of social crisis. Q: The World Bank recently disbursed US $40 million for the purpose of creating jobs in Burundi. Is it a strategy to encourage rebels to leave the bush? A: It is perhaps going too far to make such an assertion. However, the [Arusha peace] agreement provides for demobilisation funds from which will benefit rebels who stop fighting. Q: Burundi has already expressed the wish to be part of the East African Community, which has its own conditions for new members, such as the existence of peace. Are you planning to reapply for entry after the signing of a ceasefire? A: The request has already been made and it is progressing well towards definitive membership. Only a few and purely formal procedures still remain before Burundi officially becomes part of the community. Q: Will the existence of a senate in addition to a national assembly in Burundi not make it difficult to get a consensus on crucial questions, particularly as the parliament is headed by a Frodebu [Front pour la democratie au Burundi] member while the senate is headed by an Uprona [Union pour le progres national] member? A: The creation of a senate was one of the most important compromises made in Arusha. The existence of both the senate and the national assembly, on the contrary, is an answer to the concerns of Burundians. It is a means of bringing about harmony, as parliament will make sure that the various balances needed by Burundi society are attained. Q: What will Burundi and Tanzania do if rebels who have already said they are opposed to the repatriation of the refugees attack returning convoys? A: Let's not be the prophets of doom. There are people who are opposed to the return of the refugees, we hope your organisation is not among them.