IRIN Interview with Belgian Foreign Minister Louis Michel

Louis Michel, the Belgian Foreign Minister, spoke to IRIN on 26 January after completing a tour of Central Africa which took him to Kinshasa, Brazzaville, Luanda, Harare, Kigali, Kampala and Libreville. QUESTION: What is your most vivid memory from your recent tour of Central Africa? ANSWER: The sight of the Congolese people left to their own devices, in a sort of drunken void. I had the feeling that they have no point of reference, no guiding light and that they languish in a state of doubt and utter destitution. It's a horrible and terribly disconcerting state of affairs. Q: Is now a good time to relaunch the peace process with Joseph Kabila newly-installed as President of the DRC ? A: He will have to be given legitimacy by the Congolese leadership. If the new president sends strong signals - like accepting the facilitation of the inter-Congolese dialogue, the authorisation of political parties, the release of political prisoners and the freedom of the press - he will achieve some legitimacy. If not, I don't think that he will stay in power for long. Q: Which of the key parties to the conflict is in a position to make the greatest step in the right direction ? A: It's more a case of convincing them all to take a step at the same time. It's also a case of not missing opportunities. For example, when you know that a small, armed group of ex-FAR troops is in Zambia it is a mistake because it means that Rwandan withdrawal from the DRC is being prevented. Q: What do you say to those Congolese who call for withdrawal before negotiations ? A: It's as unrealistic as saying to Rwanda: "Leave, there is no security problem." That said, we have always respected the territorial integrity of DRC and it is one of the basic tenets of the Lusaka Accord. As long as the Rwandans feel that there is still a security problem, they will not be convinced that genocide is no longer possible. This is deeply engrained in the psyche of the people and should not be brushed aside. Q: Is the Lusaka Accord a good agreement ? A: There's no alternative. But we have to stop interpreting it in such and extreme way. We have to be sensitive to timing: if the armed and unarmed opposition are intransigent, if they don't give the Congolese government any room for manoeuvre, there is a risk of descent into chaos. Q: But shouldn't the international community also fulfil its part of the bargain through, for example, the deployment of [UN Mission in DRC] MONUC or the disarmament and reintegration of the militias ? A: If a new Maputo summit resulted in an agreement to withdraw gradually, that would allow MONUC to be deployed in a more favourable environment. MONUC will not deploy while it is exposed to violence and as long as the parties prevent it from fulfilling its role. Demobilisation is a very expensive process but it's worth it. Today there's a lot of wastage. Bear in mind that a dollar spent on a few projects here and there in DRC will never be as productive as a dollar spent on permanent structures which revive the State. For example, if an effective legal framework were created, investors would return and jobs and small business with them. Q: What concrete steps are you able to take to deal with the immediate future? A: I've asked Reginald Moreels [the new Belgian special envoy for humanitarian issues in the Great Lakes] to carry out a needs assessment in the region. It is a compelling idea. Let's suppose that the inter-Congolese dialogue leads to an agreement: the emerging government will generate tremendous hope among the people. But even if it adheres to the notion of 'good governance', three months down the road, it will have no more public support because people are so destitute. Therefore, the international community must launch a megaproject to bail out the State to give a future legitimate government some breathing space to get the public on its side. Q: Do you think that the inter-Congolese dialogue is on track? A: The Facilitator will have to meet the parties. But first the obstacles must be officially removed. For example, Kinshasa could accept the facilitation process and eventually even strengthen it. The new president told me he was going to look at it but you can hardly expect him to have an immediate response on such an important matter.